Welcome to the Office of Early Childhood Education

FULL REFERENCE: Boyd, W. (2014). Parents’ choices of child care in Australia. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 51 – 70

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ABSTRACT: Little is known about how parents make decisions about care for their child, especially first-time mothers returning to paid work after the birth of their first child. This paper investigates first-time mothers’ intentions and decisions for care of their child as they return to paid work. This study tracked 124 Australian first-time mothers from third trimester of pregnancy until 12 months postpartum. The investigation analysed intentions and choices of care. The key findings indicate that the women preferred care in the home by a known person, yet were often unable to access this care. To choose a childcare setting where the staff were unknown to the mothers, they frequently relied on the reputation of the centre. However some parents did not feel supported when using childcare centres: they expressed concern over the staffing levels, the group sizes and the constant ill-health of their child. Policy on care for the child needs to consider parents’ preferences for care of the child, as all children are affected by parents’ decisions.

KEY WORDS: Childcare choice; quality; access; care preferences; participation; infant care.

INTRODUCTION

An increase in women’s participation in the workforce over the past 30 years has focused attention on childcare policy and provision in Australia, as evidenced by the commitment by the Council of Australian Governments (Communiqué, December 2009) to improved quality in childcare. Care for the child enables mothers to work and provides early educational experiences for children. Early care experiences influence children’s learning and development in the early years and may continue to influence outcomes throughout life (Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000).

The family is the most important factor in children’s lives and development (Heckman, 2006), not just in the care the family provides but also the childcare1 choices made by the family (Waldfogel, 2006). Public policy advisers have identified that female workforce participation is one of three key opportunities for increasing Australian economic growth (Daley, McGannon, & Ginnivan, 2012). While women’s participation in the workforce has increased, only 67% of Australian women aged 15-64 years engage in paid work of which two-thirds work part-time. Prior to having children women are as likely as their male counterparts to engage in paid work but after having children are less likely to work and when they do work it is for less hours per week (Daley, McGannon, & Ginnivan, 2012). Paid parental leave and good quality child care are key areas to support women’s return to paid work (WFPR, 2013). In 2011 Australia launched its first paid parental leave scheme. This scheme is for 18 weeks of paid leave; considerably shorter than the recommended period for breast feeding until 26 weeks postpartum (National Health & Medical Research Council, 2013).

When a mother returns to paid work she needs to be able to access care for her child. The personal decisions a mother makes for paid work will be influenced by her care preferences and accessibility to that care. These decisions are made within the framework of Australia’s public policies regarding paid work and care for the child. Public policies for care of the child aim to provide good quality, accessible care that supports personal choices and are optimal for the mother, child and family (Boyd, 2011). The term ‘accessible’ means in this context that the care is available, affordable, in a suitable location, and offers appropriate hours. This is sometimes referred to as ‘the pragmatics of care’.

Affordability of childcare has been identified as one of three policy areas that reduce women’s workforce participation; the other two are high marginal tax rates and welfare (Daley, McGannon, & Ginnivan, 2012). But there are other barriers to maternal employment beyond economic considerations. Boyd, Walker and Thorpe (2013) in an analysis of women’s decisions about returning to paid work, found that the care must be available when the mother’s maternity leave ends. Otherwise she has to take the care when it is offered and perhaps return to work earlier, or later, then intended. This is not ideal to support women’s workforce engagement.

Another barrier to maternal employment is that the care must be of acceptable quality so that the mother feels assured her child’s needs are being met.  Care that is of an acceptable quality to the tmother is a key factor in promoting or limiting workforce participation (Coffey, 2004). The quality of children’s care in early childhood centres has been linked to better outcomes for infants and toddlers (Harrison, 2008; O’Brien, Weaver, Burchinal, Clarke-Stewart & Vandell, 2013; Sims, Guilfoyle & Parry, 2005), and the quality of childcare services in Australia has been reported as an emotional barrier to maternal employment regarding concern for the child’s health and wellbeing (Bourke, 2006; Harris, 2008).

Leaving a child in a setting where the care is considered unsuitable impacts upon the mother’s wellbeing and contribution in the workplace (Craig, 2007). Harris (2008) reports women can feel insecure and worry about engaging in paid work to earn an income at the cost of their child being in unsuitable care. When decisions align with beliefs optimal emotional security is supported, and in particular, when maternal beliefs are congruent with the mother’s employment status then mothers and children benefit (Pungello & Kurtz-Costes, 2000). Having a positive attitude to employment supports psychological well-being. The same applies in reverse: non-employed mothers, who believe maternal employment has negative consequences for children’s learning and development, also have better psychological well-being (Hock, Gnedza & McBride, 1986; Zimmerman & Katon, 2005).

Maternal employment has direct consequences for a child’s learning, development and well-being, not only at the time of early experiences but throughout life. The impact of the environment on children’s developing brain capacity has been shown to influence the hard wiring that occurs in the first years of life (Rutter, 2006). Different stages in the development of the brain are shaped and formed in response to different environmental experiences. Such sensitive periods in brain development, especially in infancy, have been identified to have implications for the provision of care of the child to ensure the best possible outcomes for children (Bennett, 2008).

Care environments for infants require high staffing levels, which are expensive, and, as a result, limit spaces for availability, thus contributing to a shortage of supply (Boyd, Walker & Thorpe, 2013). When it comes time for a mother in Australia to return to paid work and seek care for her child who has required her full time care, she frequently finds to her dismay that her child will be in the care of one adult with three other infants (Boyd et al., 2013). This may lead to reassessment of her decision and she may make trade-offs to stay at home with her child, or work reduced hours. Either way economic productivity is likely to be compromised.