2014 Special Policy Issue

FULL REFERENCE: Gibbon, A., & Farquhar S. (2014). Mapping policies and pathways in early childhood education: A note from Aotearoa New Zealand. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal.  Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 1 – 10.

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ABSTRACT: In 1988 the future of early childhood education in Aotearoa New Zealand was mapped out by two documents: Education to be More (Meade, 1988) and Before Five (Department of Education, 1988). The former, a ground-breaking report to government, and the latter, the responding government agenda, have significantly shaped policy strategies for the purpose, nature and provision of education of children ‘before five’ years of age. This country note traces some of the policy directions that were made possible by a coherent national vision and a strong sense of direction. In surveying the current terrain of early childhood policy in Aotearoa we reflect on the historical policy events that continue to influence early childhood education today, and outline a few of the continuing and persistent challenges that are likely to lead, and at times threaten, future development. Our discussion of these challenges reflects a need for policy makers to engage more strongly in understanding the challenges and supporting the early childhood education community – a community which, we believe, is critical to the welfare of the nation.

Key words: Government policy; politics; funding; teacher qualification; teaching; teacher education; Māori participation.

The pathway years, 2000 to almost 2012

In the first section of this article, we go back to the dawn of the millennium – a busy period in early childhood policy development. A Labour-led government had reconnected to its pre-1991 commitments in Education to be More, with the updated 21st century language of strategic ‘pathways’, assessment and professionalisation (Ministry of Education, 2002, 2004a/b). This government reconnection rather than continuation was in part a reflection of the 1991 ‘mother of all budgets’ that slashed funding to early childhood education (and to most other areas of education and social policy). The effects of Budget 1991 were devastating for early childhood education – effectively crippling any thorough-going implementation of the Before Five policies. By the beginning of the 21st century, though, social infrastructure and spending were on the government agenda again, albeit for a short time. The Labour-led government’s policy directions for early childhood, guided by a research-informed strategic plan (Ministry of Education, 2002), was held with strong positive regard by the early childhood sector.

The Early Childhood Education Strategic Plan Working Group set up in 2000 involved a nationwide consultation process reflecting Aotearoa’s “long tradition of community involvement and provision” (Meade & Podmore, 2002, p. 29). Out of this process, the Ministry of Education published the strategic plan for early childhood, Pathways to the Future: Ngā Huarahi Arataki (Ministry of Education, 2002) which articulated a ten-year plan for the sector. The plan expressed the Government’s view that the early years were critical to later academic and vocational success and would contribute to the future economic health of the nation through the availability of ‘dawn to dusk’ care (Clark, 2005). Strategies for implementing the plan involved a complex mix of approaches: funding, regulating, informing and supporting. Effectively, this led to increased funding rates to all teacher-led services, the implementation of study grants for student teachers, the introduction of qualified staffing incentives for centres, equity funding grants, a review of existing regulations, a review of the role of the early childhood curriculum Te Whāriki (Ministry of Education, 1996), increased professional development funding, and the establishment of teacher-researcher partnerships through the creation of the ‘Centres of Innovation’ scheme. The Ministry of Education also rationalised and regulated support providers and integrated the Early Childhood Development Department responsible for parenting programmes into the Ministry of Education, as well as developing a series of on-going evaluations of policy.

FULL REFERENCE: Press, F. (2014). The State of Play in Early Childhood Policy: A Note from Australia.  NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal, 17, 11 – 20.

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ABSTRACT: This brief country note on Australian early childhood education and care (ECEC) policy commences with an outline of the types of services that comprise the sector. A brief overview of the history of Australian early childhood education and care follows, including the challenges faced by the sector in the years leading up to the introduction of the Reform Agenda for Early Childhood. The changes instigated by the 2007 Early Childhood Reform Agenda and their significance are then explained and current policy and funding arrangements summarised. The paper concludes with a précis of the opportunities and challenges facing the early years’ sector.

KEY WORDS: Policy reform; quality; accreditation; parent involvement. 

INTRODUCTION

At the time of writing Australian early childhood policy is in a state of flux.  A newly elected national government (the Coalition) has indicated that it will slow the pace of reform instigated by the Reform Agenda for Early Childhood introduced by the previous Labor Government (Ley, 2013). However, the nature of future changes is not yet known. To date, the Government has requested the Productivity Commission1 “undertake an inquiry into how child care and early childhood learning can be more flexible, affordable and accessible and responsive to the needs of today’s families and children” (Australian Government Department of Education, 2013) with the final report due in approximately 12 months. Hence, while the following overview is as current as it can be at the time of writing, some aspects of policy may be superseded by the time of publication.

The services that comprise the system

This paper focuses on services within the Australian Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) sector that cater to children who are not yet at school. School entry age in Australia ranges from 4.5 years (when children can commence school) to 6 years (the age of compulsion for all jurisdictions except Tasmania, where it is five years of age) (ACARA 2009). The ECEC sector is made up of a variety of services, including:

Pre-school (sometimes referred to as kindergarten).  Traditionally provided as sessional care and education, pre-school is available to children for one or two years before the commencement of school. Pre-school may run as a morning or afternoon session; or as a short day (usually 6 hours). Stand-alone pre-schools (i.e. those not integrated with a childcare programme) keep the same opening weeks as schools.  Providers of preschool vary.  In some states and territories pre-schools are predominantly provided by departments of education, however they may also be provided by community based agencies. Few pre-school programmes are privately provided, unless they are incorporated into a long day care programme.

Long Day Care (centre based) (sometimes referred to as childcare centres). Full day education and care programmes, often available to children from 6 weeks of age to the commencement of school age.  Long day care services operate for a minimum of 48 weeks of the year, and are open 10-12 hours a day. Long day care centres are provided by for-profit businesses (small and large), community-based associations, non-profit umbrella agencies (such as SDN Children’s Services, KU Children’s services, C & K), social enterprises (e.g. Goodstart), and local government.

Family Day Care (FDC): Home-based education and care often available to children from 6 weeks of age to the commencement of school age.  Family day care educators are affiliated with and supported by a FDC coordination unit. FDC schemes are often provided by local government, community-based organisations, or for-profit businesses.

Mobile Children’s Services: Mobile children’s services provide itinerant services to children and families experiencing social, geographic, cultural or economic isolation. They operate in urban, rural and remote areas of Australia, moving from location to location to provide programmes for children and parents, which may include: advice and support to parents; playgroups; preschool programmes; and adjunct childcare.

Multifunctional Aboriginal Children’s Services (MACS): MACS are not‐for‐profit community based Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander specific early childhood services that offer a range of programmes to their local community, depending upon need. Services include long day care with at least one additional programme such as outside school-hours care, preschool, or parenting support.

Integrated Child and Family Services: Integrated services offer a range of care and education   programmes in conjunction with additional supports to families including, for example, child health services, family support and early intervention programmes.

Playgroups: Playgroups are informal gatherings for family members, caregivers (including, for instance family day care educators) young children and babies.  They provide a space for adults and children to interact with others. Supported Playgroups are those facilitated by an agency and provide on-site support for those attending the playgroups.

FULL REFERENCE: Horgan, D., Martin, S., Cunneen, M., & Towler M. (2014). Early childhood care and education policy: Ireland country note. New Zealand Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 21 – 34.

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ABSTRACT: Historically early childhood care and education infrastructure and policy in Ireland has been underdeveloped compared to other OCED countries (OECD, 2004). According to the OECD (2012), access to childcare, staff training, high-quality provision and public expenditure are vitally important if all children are to benefit positively from ECCE provision. This Country Note addresses these issues briefly and discusses some key transitions in ECCE policy in Ireland.

Key words: Ireland; policy, state expenditure; early childhood care and education.

Introduction

In Ireland, Government investment in early childhood care and education (ECCE) has traditionally been very low. Even as recently as 2009, Ireland spent only 0.4% of GDP on ECCE which is well below the OECD average. This is despite the fact that, in 2010, Ireland had the highest number of births ever recorded and that the preschool population has increased, according to the 2011 Census, by nearly 18% since 2006 (Fitzgerald, 2013). When international comparisons are made of Ireland’s performance in relation to the availability, affordability and quality of ECCE, the results are not always favourable.  In the Starting Well Index (2012) which investigated ECCE in 45 countries worldwide, Ireland ranked 18th overall1.

Ideologically early childhood care and education was considered in Ireland to be a private family issue which did not necessitate state intervention (NESF, 2005; Coolahan, 1998).  Linked to this ideology was the limited availability and scope of paid parental leave entitlements focusing mainly on mothers and maternity leave (Hayes, 2010)2.  Fallon points out that, outside of the state primary school system, there had been “virtually no direct State involvement in establishing ECCE services in Ireland” (Fallon, 2005, p. 291)3.  Instead the State provided a fragmented system of funding to programmes, maintaining a clear distinction between childcare and early education ‘with childcare part of the equality and work agenda and early education part of the strategy for combating educational disadvantage’ (Hayes, 2010, p. 67).

The gap in state provision meant that the voluntary and private sector have made a major contribution to early childhood education and care in Ireland (Douglas, 1994; ECI, 2013).  However significant changes have occurred in the policy and practice landscape in recent years which are transforming the ECCE sector and this Country Note will discuss some of these and look at possible implications.

FULL REFERENCE: Fikriani, D. & Bone, J. (2014). Children’s participation in disaster risk reduction as curriculum. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal, Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 35 – 50.

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ABSTRACT: Children are always involved in disasters, both natural (fires, floods, earthquakes, tsunami) and man-made (wars and displacements of people). Informed by perspectives embedded within the sociology of childhood, the authors discuss what happened after a major earthquake in Indonesia. In this earthquake many people died or were seriously affected by this tragedy. The focus of this research is on the right of children to participate in matters that affect them through a strategy known as Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR). Instead of waiting to deal with children as ‘victims’ of trauma or injury it is argued that children can work with educators to deal with disaster in a useful and proactive way. Teachers in Indonesia, who had themselves been affected by the earthquake, were asked to consider the possibility of including Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) as curriculum in their early childhood centre. We discuss how the notion of participation is interpreted in this specific context and ask what kind of policy agenda might support this recommendation for DRR to be included as curriculum in countries where disasters are experienced. 

KEY WORDS: Disaster risk reduction; early childhood curriculum; earthquake; tragedy.

INTRODUCTION

This article draws on the social construction of childhood as a conceptual framework to seek understanding of child participation in Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) strategies through early childhood education (ECE). This approach supports child participation in events and recognises that teachers’ perceptions of what that will be like, reflects the traditions, culture and values of particular societies (King, 2007; Mayall, 2000).  In times of disaster it seems that children are often placed as victims rather than as active agents who are capable of taking the lead in disaster risk management (Martin, 2010; Tanner, 2010). Looking at many examples of the benefits of involving children in DRR strategies (Martin, 2010) provides an opportunity for people who work with young children to view children as participants and as people with agency. This article highlights the way ECE contexts may actualise the participation of children. Case studies in Indonesia are the main focus, and a connection is made with New Zealand because both countries have suffered a major earthquake in the past few years.

This case study research involved teachers from a disaster area in Indonesia.  They were asked to reflect on the possibility of involving children in DRR strategies as curriculum. Data generated in interviews with seven teachers from two early childhood centres enables their experiences to contribute to an understanding of child participation in the Indonesian context. The research used the theories of social construction and is framed by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. In the final part of the article, we discuss child participation in disaster risk reduction (DRR) strategies in early childhood education and draw upon dialogues between teachers, children and families. The argument is made that early childhood education can play an important role in encouraging children to build resilience within their communities and this will support their involvement in DRR strategies.

Children’s rights in ECE

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) issued a General Comment No. 7 in 2006 on implementing child rights in early childhood (CRC/C/GC/7/rev1). This document has been a political enforcement for policy makers and practitioners in ECE to interpret child rights in early childhood settings. However as Bae (2010) points out when the articles in the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and related documents are made universal, one has to consider local conditions and age-related aspects in the implementation of the document.

FULL REFERENCE: Boyd, W. (2014). Parents’ choices of child care in Australia. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 51 – 70

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ABSTRACT: Little is known about how parents make decisions about care for their child, especially first-time mothers returning to paid work after the birth of their first child. This paper investigates first-time mothers’ intentions and decisions for care of their child as they return to paid work. This study tracked 124 Australian first-time mothers from third trimester of pregnancy until 12 months postpartum. The investigation analysed intentions and choices of care. The key findings indicate that the women preferred care in the home by a known person, yet were often unable to access this care. To choose a childcare setting where the staff were unknown to the mothers, they frequently relied on the reputation of the centre. However some parents did not feel supported when using childcare centres: they expressed concern over the staffing levels, the group sizes and the constant ill-health of their child. Policy on care for the child needs to consider parents’ preferences for care of the child, as all children are affected by parents’ decisions.

KEY WORDS: Childcare choice; quality; access; care preferences; participation; infant care.

INTRODUCTION

An increase in women’s participation in the workforce over the past 30 years has focused attention on childcare policy and provision in Australia, as evidenced by the commitment by the Council of Australian Governments (Communiqué, December 2009) to improved quality in childcare. Care for the child enables mothers to work and provides early educational experiences for children. Early care experiences influence children’s learning and development in the early years and may continue to influence outcomes throughout life (Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000).

The family is the most important factor in children’s lives and development (Heckman, 2006), not just in the care the family provides but also the childcare1 choices made by the family (Waldfogel, 2006). Public policy advisers have identified that female workforce participation is one of three key opportunities for increasing Australian economic growth (Daley, McGannon, & Ginnivan, 2012). While women’s participation in the workforce has increased, only 67% of Australian women aged 15-64 years engage in paid work of which two-thirds work part-time. Prior to having children women are as likely as their male counterparts to engage in paid work but after having children are less likely to work and when they do work it is for less hours per week (Daley, McGannon, & Ginnivan, 2012). Paid parental leave and good quality child care are key areas to support women’s return to paid work (WFPR, 2013). In 2011 Australia launched its first paid parental leave scheme. This scheme is for 18 weeks of paid leave; considerably shorter than the recommended period for breast feeding until 26 weeks postpartum (National Health & Medical Research Council, 2013).

When a mother returns to paid work she needs to be able to access care for her child. The personal decisions a mother makes for paid work will be influenced by her care preferences and accessibility to that care. These decisions are made within the framework of Australia’s public policies regarding paid work and care for the child. Public policies for care of the child aim to provide good quality, accessible care that supports personal choices and are optimal for the mother, child and family (Boyd, 2011). The term ‘accessible’ means in this context that the care is available, affordable, in a suitable location, and offers appropriate hours. This is sometimes referred to as ‘the pragmatics of care’.

Affordability of childcare has been identified as one of three policy areas that reduce women’s workforce participation; the other two are high marginal tax rates and welfare (Daley, McGannon, & Ginnivan, 2012). But there are other barriers to maternal employment beyond economic considerations. Boyd, Walker and Thorpe (2013) in an analysis of women’s decisions about returning to paid work, found that the care must be available when the mother’s maternity leave ends. Otherwise she has to take the care when it is offered and perhaps return to work earlier, or later, then intended. This is not ideal to support women’s workforce engagement.

Another barrier to maternal employment is that the care must be of acceptable quality so that the mother feels assured her child’s needs are being met.  Care that is of an acceptable quality to the tmother is a key factor in promoting or limiting workforce participation (Coffey, 2004). The quality of children’s care in early childhood centres has been linked to better outcomes for infants and toddlers (Harrison, 2008; O’Brien, Weaver, Burchinal, Clarke-Stewart & Vandell, 2013; Sims, Guilfoyle & Parry, 2005), and the quality of childcare services in Australia has been reported as an emotional barrier to maternal employment regarding concern for the child’s health and wellbeing (Bourke, 2006; Harris, 2008).

Leaving a child in a setting where the care is considered unsuitable impacts upon the mother’s wellbeing and contribution in the workplace (Craig, 2007). Harris (2008) reports women can feel insecure and worry about engaging in paid work to earn an income at the cost of their child being in unsuitable care. When decisions align with beliefs optimal emotional security is supported, and in particular, when maternal beliefs are congruent with the mother’s employment status then mothers and children benefit (Pungello & Kurtz-Costes, 2000). Having a positive attitude to employment supports psychological well-being. The same applies in reverse: non-employed mothers, who believe maternal employment has negative consequences for children’s learning and development, also have better psychological well-being (Hock, Gnedza & McBride, 1986; Zimmerman & Katon, 2005).

Maternal employment has direct consequences for a child’s learning, development and well-being, not only at the time of early experiences but throughout life. The impact of the environment on children’s developing brain capacity has been shown to influence the hard wiring that occurs in the first years of life (Rutter, 2006). Different stages in the development of the brain are shaped and formed in response to different environmental experiences. Such sensitive periods in brain development, especially in infancy, have been identified to have implications for the provision of care of the child to ensure the best possible outcomes for children (Bennett, 2008).

Care environments for infants require high staffing levels, which are expensive, and, as a result, limit spaces for availability, thus contributing to a shortage of supply (Boyd, Walker & Thorpe, 2013). When it comes time for a mother in Australia to return to paid work and seek care for her child who has required her full time care, she frequently finds to her dismay that her child will be in the care of one adult with three other infants (Boyd et al., 2013). This may lead to reassessment of her decision and she may make trade-offs to stay at home with her child, or work reduced hours. Either way economic productivity is likely to be compromised.

FULL REFERENCE: Moloney, M. (2014). Breach of trust – Getting it right for children in early childhood care and education in Ireland. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 71-80.

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ABSTRACT: In May 2013 an exposé of verbal, physical and emotional abuse of young children attending three early childhood education and care (ECEC) settings in Ireland was aired on national television in a documentary called Breach of Trust. This paper argues that while the programme raised public awareness of fundamental flaws within the ECCE system in Ireland, it also came as no surprise that bad practices had been exposed. This paper specifically explores the policies and government in/action that led to the public revelations. It also critiques the Irish government’s response to the issues highlighted and its proposed plan to address these issues.

Key words: Regulations; child abuse; early childhood education; policy; duty of care; participation; childcare supply. 

INTRODUCTION:

On 28th May 2013 the Irish national broadcaster RTE aired an exposé of verbal, physical and emotional abuse of young children attending three early childhood care and education (ECCE) services in Ireland. This programme, titled “Breach of Trust” raised public awareness of fundamental flaws within the ECCE system in Ireland. The Minister for Children and Youth Affairs, Frances Fitzgerald, T.D. stated that it reflected “poor practice, dereliction of duty and care resulting in the appalling mistreatment of young children bordering on abuse” (Oireachtas, 2013).

Some people however, were not surprised by what they saw. In fact, Moloney (2011) notes that in spite of numerous policy developments and initiatives focused on policy for at least a decade, there is a “considerable gap between policy and practice that seriously undermines children’s experiences in early childhood settings” (p. 172). While the ECCE sector attracts much attention at policy level, Moloney and Pope (2013) argue that consistent weak investment, a lack of a mandatory training requirement and poor salaries result in a sector that is low status, low paid, low skilled and unmotivated (Moloney, 20111) Consequently, quality practice is “sporadic rather than consistent” within services (Moloney 2011, p. 172). In relation to the examples of mistreatment shown in the documentary Breach of Trust, Fergus Finlay, Chief Executive, Barnardos, Ireland, stated that they “were inevitable due to the lack of State involvement in the provision of childcare facilities” (www.rte.ie/news).

Yet, over the decade from 2000 – 2010, the Irish State invested almost €1.139 billion in the development and enhancement of the ECCE sector. Furthermore, since 1996 the sector has been regulated and subject to annual inspections. In addition, the universal Free Pre-School Year (2010) requires pre-school service leaders to hold a basic minimum qualification. So how did the practices exposed on May, 28th materialise?  Further, what is the policy and investment context which resulted in the practices? This paper discusses the government’s proposed pre-school quality agenda intended to address the issues highlighted in Breach of Trust and, questions whether enough is being done to support and enhance the quality of ECCE provision.

FULL REFERENCE: Stover, S. (2014). Play and the professional early childhood teacher: A personal reflection. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 89-100.

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ABSTRACT: This article draws together some reflections on play and educationalisation in the historic context of the contemporary professionalism of early childhood. Looking historically, I suggest that both play and education are issues whose visibility and vitality seem to reflect social and political drivers. I also consider what a review of Te Whāriki could include with the inclusion of greater emphasis on learning through play. So it is worthwhile to consider how play and professionalism have been – and perhaps still are – tools of larger reform projects.

KEY WORDS: Play; history, learning through play; early childhood education; policy; professionalism; curriculum.

INTRODUCTION

There is more than a little danger in holding onto an idea. The willingness to innovate, to be creative, to consider critically – these all niggle away at the value in holding firm to an idea. This has been one of my dilemmas as an academic in early childhood education. A child may still build sand castles or dig a tunnel; but whereas it might be understood in the 1950s or the 1980s as ‘playing’, today it is likely to be interpreted as ‘educational’. So should I let go of the primacy of play in my understanding of how children grow and learn?

I’ve wondered whether play has become problematic because of the educationalisation of early childhood (Stover, 2011); play and education can be awkward companions. But also awkward is the relationship between play and the perception of professionalism amongst early childhood teachers. Fromberg (2003) described the professional status of early childhood teachers as a “public relations nightmare” in part because “most exemplary” teachers appeared playful (p. 177).

FULL REFERENCE: Thomas, L., & Nuttall, J. (2014). Negotiating policy-driven and state-mandated expectations of leadership: Discourses accessed by early childhood educators in Australia. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 101-114.

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ABSTRACT: This paper draws on two recent studies of educational leadership in early childhood education to examine the ways in which educators draw on a variety of discourses to articulate concepts of ‘leader’ and ‘leadership’ in the present early childhood policy context in Australia. The specific focus is on leaders’ responses to expectations of leadership within the National Quality Framework for Early Childhood Education and Care and School Age Care [NQF] in Australia (Council of Australian Governments [COAG], 2009a), which promotes leadership focused on curriculum and pedagogy rather than on management and administration (COAG, 2009b). A poststructuralist lens is used to analyse the ways in which concepts of leadership embedded in the NQF work to mobilise various discourses of leadership. We argue that educators’ accounts indicate possibilities for new ways of theorising leadership in EC settings, to find ways to hold together seemingly opposite discourses of ‘leadership for management’ and ‘leadership for learning’ in response to current policy shifts.

KEY WORDS:

Educational leadership; early childhood education; education policy; Australia; discourse analysis.

FULL REFERENCE: Liberty, K. (2014). Early intervention in Aotearoa New Zealand: Services and challenges. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 115-146.

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ABSTRACT: This paper describes the bicultural model of early intervention in Aotearoa New Zealand, and the challenges facing the delivery of effective services.The early intervention system is inclusive of culturally different concepts of development, family, disability, wellbeing, risk, prevention and intervention, as well as Kaupapa Māori and Western science evidence-based practices. Service frameworks emphasise culturally appropriate interactions with children and families. However, challenges to improve services exist. Population growth and increasing prevalence of needs associated with early intervention challenge the existing coverage of services. New needs identification systems are highlighting significant gaps between the number of children likely to require early intervention and the number receiving services. Additional challenges in service delivery, retention of families, and difficulties with supporting children with early intervention needs in early childhood services also require attention. Finally, culturally appropriate services should be replaced by culturally responsive services to improve early intervention for Māori. It is urgent that a review of early intervention be undertaken to determine the best approaches to meet the needs of young children with early intervention needs.

KEY WORDS: 

Early intervention; service delivery; cultural responsiveness.

FULL REFERENCE: Corridore, E. (2014). Supporting participation of indigenous families in early childhood education. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal.  Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy,17, 147-160.

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ABSTRACT: This paper examines specific discrepancies between Australian Indigenous communities’ values, beliefs and approaches to education and those of mainstream Australian communities. It includes an analysis of relevant impacts of this mismatch on successful participation by Indigenous children in early childhood education settings. Cultural competency, as described in the Early Years Learning Framework (EYLF) and expanded upon by current thinking and learning, predominates as a professional skill required in educating young Indigenous children and communities. The confronting issue of colonisation has impacted on the participation levels of Indigenous families and is deserving of significant space and time for reflection around Western education institutions and what they represent and value.

KEY WORDS:

Indigenous; Australia; values; indigenous; culture; communities; participation; policy, curriculum, Early Years Learning Framework.

FULL REFERENCE: O’Connor, M., O’Connor, E.J., Kvalsvig, A., & Goldfeld, S. (2014). The relationship between early childhood education and care and English proficiency at school entry for bilingual children in Australia. NZ Research in Early Childhood Education Journal. Special Issue: Early Childhood Policy, 17, 161-181.

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ABSTRACT: Children from diverse language backgrounds who enter school with limited proficiency in English may face additional challenges in negotiating this new context. Hence, it is important to consider what antecedent factors might promote English proficiency at school entry. Engagement with early childhood education and care (ECEC) programmes may be one such factor. Drawing on population-level data from the teacher-rated Australian Early Development Index (n=261,147), this study aims to explore the relationship between ECEC (including pre-school, day-care, and other informal non-parental care) and English proficiency at school entry for Australian children from bilingual backgrounds. The findings reveal that attendance at pre-school (OR=1.53, 95% CI=1.37-1.70) was associated with increased odds of being proficient in English at school entry for bilingual children, whereas attending day-care without a pre-school programme (OR=0.78, 95% CI=0.68-0.89), more informal non-parental care (OR=0.72, 95% CI=0.65-0.80), or parental care only (OR=0.59, 95% CI=0.52-0.67) was associated with decreased odds of proficiency in English at school entry. These findings suggest that engagement with pre-school programmes prior to school entry may well present a plausible and modifiable approach to improving English proficiency at school entry for bilingual children, with important implications for policy and programmes that aim to reduce inequality in skills at school entry.

KEY WORDS:

Transition to school; bilingual; Australian Early Development Index (AEDI); school entry, ECE participation.